IMPLEMENTING
AND DEVELOPING PUBLIC POLICY IN NORTHERN IRELAND AND SOUTH AFRICA
SUMMARY
OF RESEARCH RESULTS
South
African and Northern Irish societies, despite a range of differences,
have been compared as far back as the early 1900s. This research compares
the impact of 'transition' on public policy development and implementation
in these two societies. Lesson drawing and policy transfer between these
jurisdictions and other countries was a particular focus within this
broader aim. Two policy areas - victim policy and policing reform -
that are typically subject to reform during transition periods were
selected for a more detailed analysis.
Owing to the sensitive environments of both societies, a qualitative
approach was adopted. In-depth interviews, long-term research relationships,
focused workshops and documentary evidence (both academic and grey)
comprised the main data collection methods. A complex web of information
from these sources was isolated into factors and questions of policy
development and implementation.
Policy development
It was clear that transition places enormous strains and constraints
on policy makers: high public expectations, change management stresses,
stretched resources, and the need for new policy development skills.
In addition, co-ordination and liaison of the various policy communities;
the participation of civic groups; the energy of change agents, and
new skills of politicians remain critical to successful and sensitive
development and implementation of policies. It is a complex process
to sustain.
The legislative process in Northern Ireland is now much more complex
and ambiguous, subject to a wider policy community, is more dependent
on networks, more subject to scrutiny and vulnerable to many unresolved
tensions particularly between the Assembly and the Executive. In both
jurisdictions the maintenance of the civil service has received criticism
from within. Unreformed structures have not allowed for cross cutting
policies, which can respond to the complexities of transition. Institutions
have remained top heavy or inappropriately skilled and resistance exists
in key channels of policy making, often from those expected to give
up some of their power in the transition process. Policies cannot be
driven at a local level as there is not always the capacity. Consultation
and participation are also underdeveloped particularly in South Africa.
In addition civil society, though previously vibrant has also been less
able to direct policy from below. We found that it was difficult to
ascertain the degree to which development agencies and external funders
operating in South Africa and Northern Ireland influence policy formation
and lesson drawing. Similarly there is little information or consensus
on the contribution of civil society organizations.
Lesson drawing
Lesson drawing has proved to be one means by which confidence and instrumentality
can be fostered. It can decrease uncertainty and tension in a complex
and fast changing environment. Where issues are particularly sensitive,
for example, policing a divided society, it has enabled players to discuss
reforms by alluding to the exporter environment and its parallels without
using the highly charged identities and issues of the potential importer
country - we came to refer to this as 'surrogate policy making'.
One of the biggest findings has been that learning from abroad may also
be at the cost of learning from closer to home. South Africa experienced
a great deal of pressure to emulate successful Northern states rather
than those in the developing world. Personalities and incentives drove
often eclectic lesson drawing. Policies from nearby African states have
since been suggested as more appropriate and viable. However overwhelmingly
global South-South transfer were not commonly considered by the actors
involved, nor popularized. In addition research or evaluation was rarely
perceived as significant to organizations engaged in lesson drawing.
The analogy with South Africa continues to have political implications
in Northern Ireland. Perceptions of comparability continue to operate
in many spheres though more so in Northern Ireland. At the level of
public policy development there have been a broad range of lesson drawing
exchanges most significantly in community policing. The importance of
the South African - Northern Ireland comparison is not whether it is
correct, but rather in it having become a real influence on political
behavior and useful in so far as it allows issues difficult to discuss
in Northern Ireland to be discussed by proxy using South African examples.
Implementation
In South Africa the gap between vision-based policy creation and actual
implementation capacity is widening. Difficulty in implementing policy
and translating this into service delivery was partly explained by reliance
on disaggregated institutions and their long term limitations. Institutions
such as commissions of investigation and enquiry, as well as disaggregated
institutions such as Human Rights Commissions and Equality Commissions,
can articulate innovative new policy idea. However, they are often better
at developing than implementing new public policy.
An unexpected and key finding was that policies may be formulated in
the knowledge that they will not be implementable. The vision
of the policy and the process of developing the policy, especially
in deeply divided societies, may in fact be more important than actual
delivery.
Transition
In Northern Ireland and South Africa there is increasing polarization
of the political parties. Policy making in Northern Ireland continues
to be influenced by economic and social legacies, mistrust and atrophication
of direct rule, and the context of sectarianism and violence. Most significantly
we found that policies in power-share arrangements are typically agreed
at the level at which some form of consensus will be reached thus diluting
them to meet the consensual requirements - a 'lowest common denominator'
factor. Other difficulties include a lack of involvement of the youth
sector, and a lack of understanding and communication between between
academics, the voluntary sector and the civil service.
In South Africa a lack of capacity - both in finance and in personnel
and over-ambitious policy objectives characterise the transition. Current
demands based often on large-scale political violence eclipse needs
and expectations generated at a grass-roots level as a result of the
reconciliation process. Long-term, cross-cutting approaches to policy
are needed.
The actual process of transition is complex and unique in both South
Africa and Northern Ireland. We argue that a dynamic understanding of
transition processes needs to be developed. Transitions are long-term
processes and change at an institutional level is generally slower than
expectations. Numerous transitions and transformations are in fact made.
From our research it is striking that for policy innovation to be effectively
implemented in a society in transition there also has to be at some
level an active and continuous process of securing public support.